EGYPT has ever been the land of marvellous tales, from the days when the “Father of History” lent a credulous ear to the fables of the priests of Isis down to the present time, when the land of the Pharaohs is made the football of speculators and stock-jobbers. Having obtained the true story of the late Egyptian campaign from the lips and the note-books of the foreign officers connected with it, as well as some of the most interesting details as to the character of the country and people, I have jotted them down for publication, that light may be thrown on the dark places in Abyssinia, the Ethiopia of the Scriptures.

The quarrel between Egypt and Abyssinia originally arose, not simply from questions of disputed boundary—which, on that wild frontier, are of little consequence to either party—but from the incessant raids made by the nomadic and warlike Abyssinians upon the peaceful and timid Egyptian fellahs dwelling in convenient proximity to these uncomfortable neighbors,—who harry their own peasantry as well with a most laudable impartiality. In fact, in these remote regions, the old Border feuds and forays, once so familiar on the Scottish border, are still actively carried on by these sans-culottes African caterans. To protect the frontier, and overawe these predatory chieftains, who, while nominally acknowledging the rule of King Kassa or Johannes, the successor of Theodoros, are really obedient to their own special headman or ras, the khedive in October 1875 despatched a column of about thirty-four hundred men under command of Colonel Arendrup, a Dane in Egyptian service, with instructions to enforce peace if possible between the respective residents of this border-land, believing a display of force would accomplish those objects without bloodshed.

Ignorant of the country and of the character of the people with whom he had to deal, and despising his savage adversary too much, the unfortunate Arendrup divided his force and neglected the most ordinary precautions. While marching through the defile of Goundet on Abyssinian territory with but eight hundred men, he fell into an ambuscade, and after desperate resistance he and almost his whole force were cut to pieces, the few survivors being afterwards butchered in cold blood by the victors. This slaughter was planned, and participated in, by King Johannes himself, who thus commenced hostilities, setting up the alleged invasion of his territory by an armed Egyptian force as his plea for the bloody act.

With Arendrup perished the gallant young governor of Massowah, Arakel Bey, nephew to Nubar Pasha—one of the ablest and most intelligent of the younger generation of Egyptian statesmen. Count Zichy, a volunteer, brother of the Austrian ambassador at Constantinople, met a still more tragic and terrible fate. Two weeks after the slaughter, the French consul at Massowah, traversing the theatre of combat where the mutilated and unburied bodies of the slain still were lying as they fell, was startled by the apparition of a bloody and ghastly object—whether bestial or human he could not tell—crawling through the bushes towards his party. It proved to be the unfortunate Count Zichy, who had been left for dead on the field, and who, though fearfully wounded and disfigured, had contrived to drag himself about on all fours, subsisting on berries during the interval. They placed the almost dying sufferer on a litter, and so strong was his will, and such his tenacity of life, that he rallied sufficiently to show his indomitable spirit by humming some favorite airs as they bore him along. For some unexplained reason the people with whom he was afterwards left in charge, delivered up the poor creature, thus miraculously rescued, to some of the followers of Johannes to be taken to the king; but these soon released him from his sufferings by putting him to death, having recognized him as one of Arendrup’s force. It has been reported and believed that the whole of Arendrup’s original force was massacred; but this is untrue, as not more than one-third accompanied him on his fatal march through the valley. It is stated by officers who accompanied the second expedition, that on their arrival at Massowah they found more than two thousand of the survivors of Arendrup’s force, who had been stationed at various points remote from the scene of his massacre, and who therefore took no part in that affair.

A detachment of these was menaced by the Abyssinians, flushed with victory; but owing to the skilful generalship of the foreign officers commanding, especially of Major Denison, a young American, it presented a bold front during the day, and retreated successfully under cover of the night, until it safely reached Massowah.

In consequence of this disastrous event, it became absolutely necessary for the khedive to despatch a second and stronger expedition, into Abyssinia, for the double purpose of restoring Egyptian authority and prestige on the frontier, and of preventing incursions from an opponent flushed with victory, and menacing Egypt with a war of invasion.

Accordingly, early in December, 1875, a second expedition was despatched for Abyssinia, numbering in all about sixteen thousand men, well officered, armed, and provisioned, under command of Ratib Pasha, the Egyptian generalissimo, accompanied by General Loring, an American in Egyptian service, an old and experienced soldier, who had left an arm in Mexico twenty years before; with it was a very able staff of American and other foreign officers.

The troops composing this expedition were the picked men of the Egyptian army, armed not only with the Remington rifle, but provided with artillery, including Krupp guns. It was, in all respects, an admirably well-equipped and well-appointed force, fully adequate (as was supposed) to carry out the double purpose aimed at. The subsequent narrative will show why it fell short of full success. This force was sent in steamers from Suez nearly one thousand miles down the Red Sea, to Massowah, an Egyptian post, ceded some years ago by the sultan, and ever since an Egyptian possession, its natural and trading advantages being very great.

Massowah is a picturesque-looking Oriental town, in whose port vessels of the largest class can safely lie at anchor. It is built on an island of coral formation, and connected with the mainland by a causeway a mile long. On another coral island adjoining, the late governor, Arakel Bey, had built a palace, in excellent taste and Oriental style, which forms one of the most attractive objects in the vicinity. The town is of Arab character and construction, but of considerable extent; the population very mixed, comprising specimens of the sixteen different nationalities which people Egypt, in whose faces every shade of brown, black, or coffee-color could be witnessed. They constitute a busy, peaceful, orderly, trading population; keen for a bargain, but inoffensive. The climate in winter is delightful; in summer, trying to European constitutions.

With this expedition Prince Hassan, third son of the khedive and present minister of war, went as a volunteer aide to the general-in-chief.

The expeditionary force remained some months at Massowah before penetrating far into the Abyssinian country, which is shut in by ranges of hills, rising in succession until they almost attain the dignity of mountains, by which latter name they are usually designated.

The difficulty of passing these natural barriers has been greatly exaggerated, as there are passes through all of them, many of which are well wooded, affording the protection of cover to an invading as well as to an ambushed force. Many of them can also be dominated and swept by artillery, as the Abyssinians found to their cost during their second encounter with the Egyptian troops.

Officers who had served in Mexico declare that the general features of Abyssinia reminded them of that country, though with less majestic mountains and feebler vegetation; for Abyssinia only nestles among her hills; and marching into the interior from the coast, the country, though rugged, is hot, lying comparatively low, between the ninth and sixteenth degrees of latitude. Proceeding further inland, from thirty to eighty miles from the coast, you reach plateaux two thousand feet above the level of the Red Sea, and enjoy one of the most delightful and salubrious climates in the world, bright and sunny in winter, and in summer refreshed by constant rains. From June to October you have several variations of climate every day. The morning breaks bright and clear, with unclouded sunshine; at midday it becomes cloudy; and two hours later the rain comes down in torrents; then follows a splendid sunset, succeeded by a clear night, the heavens studded with stars, both the North Star and Southern Cross being plainly perceptible at the same time. The continual rains temper the heat, until the summer solstice becomes as endurable as the spring season. Hence the tablelands of Abyssinia, though lying in the midst of a burning region, are both temperate and healthy all the year round.

Large and numerous watercourses fertilize and refresh this region, among which are the Mareb, Taccaze, Blue Nile, and Atbara—the two latter being the great fertilizers which, for thousands of years, have rendered their annual tribute to old Father Nile, and have added immensely to the fertility and productiveness of Egypt, by bringing down with their turbid waters the rich deposits of the valleys and hillsides of Abyssinia, washed down by the annual floods.

So that, in despite of its wild and untamable chieftains who interpose a barrier to the encroaching civilization of their powerful neighbor, Abyssinia still continues to pay her rich annual tribute to Egypt, and must continue so to do until the affluents of the Nile have altered their course. The khedive himself, when taxed with the intention of absorbing or annexing Abyssinia in whole or in part, referred to this, when he said that, as nature already was sending him down the best part of Abyssinia, he had no desire for the residue.

From the notes of officers attached to the expedition, the following statement of the military operations is taken:—

“Our force of sixteen thousand men was under the command of Ratib Pasha, an Egyptian, of Circassian blood, general-in-chief of the Egyptian army. With him was sent General Loring of the American contingent, an old officer of much experience, whose hand the khedive placed in that of the pasha before leaving Cairo, enjoining brotherly concord between them. With them also went a picked staff of American and other foreign officers. The armament comprised a splendid park of artillery, including Krupp guns, and the men were armed with the Remington rifle, the best small-arm in the world. No army ever was fitted out with better material of war and equipment, and the comfort both of officers and men was thoroughly provided for.

“After establishing two depots en route to keep open our communication, we marched from Massowah, on the coast, to the plateau, crossing the mountain of Kayakhor for almost eighty miles inland. We then marched to a valley six miles distant, and established breastworks, intrenching ourselves in a strong fortification deemed impregnable, which received the name of Fort Gura. At the same time we also fortified the mountain of Kayakhor, which we had just passed. It is necessary to bear in mind that the two positions were only six miles apart. The valley extended from Kayakhor to eight miles beyond Fort Gura, with a width of from one and a half to two miles.

“At Fort Gura we had about seventy-seven hundred men, rank and file, and at Kayakhor about five thousand. These figures included all arms of the service, the depots being filled with abundance of ammunition and provisions. The balance of our command and supplies were rapidly moving up to join us. Such was the state of affairs when we received information from our scouts that King John was moving in the distance around our front with a large force. Finally he commenced a movement along our right flank, keeping under shelter of the mountains, twenty or thirty miles distant, endeavoring to draw us out into the open country. Not having our forces all up and concentrated, we were not in a position to move out, even had we desired it; so we pursued the waiting policy, well knowing that, with his large force, swelled by the numerous camp-followers, in the shape of women and children who always accompany the fighting men, he must soon exhaust the country over which he was passing, which cause, together with the want of water, would compel him to make an effort to cross our path and attack us.

“From his position he could not cross the valley in any other way than between our two fortified positions above described. Such being the situation, Ratib Pasha was advised to leave the impregnable Fort Gura, with eight hundred men and the artillery, which could sweep the valley, and marching the rest of his force back to Kayakhor, there effect a junction with the rest of his forces as soon as possible, and await the enemy, who was daily expected there, in his forced march across the valley in quest of water and provisions. This counsel was given on the 4th of March; and had the pasha adopted it, and acted promptly, a splendid victory, which would at once have terminated the struggle, would certainly have resulted. But Ratib Pasha could not be persuaded to move until three days later; and it was not until the 7th of March, when we knew the enemy was moving on the Amhoor road leading into the valley, that any movement was made by the Egyptian troops. Then, late in the day, Ratib Pasha moved out with five thousand men, only about three miles from his fortified position, and took up a stand, equally distant from that and Kayakhor, immediately opposite the Amhoor road, making no effort to unite forces; and on the opposite side of the valley to that on which it was known King John would debouch into it, and which he did in full sight of our forces.

“We now believe that Ratib Pasha took out his corps for observation, not intending an engagement; but he was anticipated by the Abyssinians, who at once made a savage and desperate onslaught in mass, variously estimated at from forty to fifty thousand men of all arms. Of this horde not more than eight to ten thousand were armed with single-barrelled shotguns, old Tower muskets, etc.; as many more with swords and shields; the rest with clubs. But they were never able to display or actively use more than fifteen or twenty thousand at a time, from the nature of the ground. Being in a favorable position for judging, this is my estimate.

“The battle lasted two hours, and there was fearful carnage, with considerable loss to the Egyptians, and far greater to the Abyssinians, owing to the inferiority of the latter in respect to arms and position.

“No skilled soldier present doubts that had Ratib Pasha united his army as advised on the 4th, or even as late as the 6th, instead of taking up the intermediate position, and there inviting attack with a divided force, he might have crushed the enemy at one blow.

“The valley of Gura commands on the left the rich valley of Gouzi Goraï, and on the right that of Hamacen, both of which contain what for Abyssinia may be considered large and thriving populations, displaying not only a friendly feeling towards Egypt, but manifesting a strong desire to be permanently annexed to that country.

“We had fortified and provisioned some of the strongest mountain passes on our route, such as Bahr Réza, Adderasso, and Kayakhor, giving a line of frontier protection against the wandering nomads of Abyssinia, who live by plundering their own peaceful cultivators as well as those of Egypt.”

Why the Egyptian general-in-chief delayed until too late carrying out the advice of his staff-officer and second in command, General Loring, and fought the enemy in detail, instead of concentrating his forces, has never been satisfactorily explained. Neither has the conduct of Osman Pasha, one of his superior native officers, who, with a force of three thousand men within hearing of the guns, did not move from his position nor take part in the fighting; though if he had brought up his reserve, he might have utterly routed and dispersed the army of the Abyssinians.

These two mistakes opened the campaign with advantage to the Abyssinians, and encouraged them to continue the war. To resume the narrative:—

“On the 8th of March there was little or no fighting. On the 9th we fully expected that King John would be compelled to attack us; for his people, who had suffered severely on the 7th, and with insufficient supplies of food and water, were, we learned, becoming almost mutinous, and crying out to be led at once to the attack.

“So with a force of about three thousand men, in our intrenched position at Fort Gura, well supplied with artillery and all munitions of war, we expected his assault.

“As we anticipated, King John, early on the 9th, commenced his movement in a soldier-like manner by throwing out large bodies of skirmishers under cover of the undergrowth which extends through the valley, and by firing into our breastworks, about half a mile distant. While this was going on, he commenced a movement from his camp, pouring out his masses along the hillsides and slopes, and even crowding the slopes and crests of the hills with men, women, and children, making an imposing display of force, about a mile distant. In addition to these, he moved on to the fort with his fighting men, probably thirty or forty thousand in number. Simultaneously he detached several thousands to attack our works, moving up under cover of some old breastworks which had not been destroyed, contiguous to the fort now occupied by us. A large force was thus enabled to approach the fort to within thirty or forty yards.

“Ratib Pasha had been cautioned by the staff and by the engineers as to the necessity of destroying these old breastworks, but had neglected to order their removal. With this assaulting force, which came up boldly to its work, sustained by a rattling fire from their skirmishers, it was not long before we had a desperate and deadly conflict at all points, which lasted for several hours, in which our artillery did deadly execution; and their frantic efforts to storm our position were beaten back with great loss of half-naked warriors. Their masses, spread out by thousands along the hillsides, kept swaying and surging to and fro, yelling and brandishing their lances and clubs, ready to move on us en masse as soon as they saw their attacking column leap our breastworks, when we should be overwhelmed by numbers. A well-directed fire from our artillery into the swarms on the hillsides inflicted immense destruction among the poor wretches, forcing them constantly to shift their position.

“Our Krupp gun did great execution, while the Remington rifle decimated the assaulting column to such an extent that after several desperate efforts to scale the works they attempted to retreat. But a charge being ordered on the broken and retreating columns, which took them in the rear and flanks, very few were allowed to escape, those who fled leaving their wounded and dead on the field.

“Our victory was complete and overwhelming. The masses on the slopes, seeing the failure and fright of their picked warriors, rapidly retreated, and soon there remained in sight not a single Abyssinian out of the countless thousands who had peopled the hillsides but a short time before. The warfare of this people resembles that of the North American Indians, who, like them, often come up boldly to the conflict when their numbers are greatly superior; but once repulsed and badly beaten, retreat so rapidly as to render it impossible to follow or overtake them. With the Abyssinians it is the same. Encumbered by no baggage or wagons to impede attack or retreat, their movements are far more rapid than those of a regular army, and they fight to death, neither asking nor expecting quarter.

“Shortly after, without further fighting, King John sued for peace, and no hostile movement has since taken place in Abyssinia.

“All of our prisoners who had not been put to death (as many were after the first battle by the Abyssinians, while others were sent back terribly and inhumanly mutilated) were exchanged; and the bulk of our expeditionary force returned to Egypt in steamers viâ Suez.

“Of these the larger portion of rank and file under command of Osman Pasha Ferik, were sent as a Turkish contingent by the khedive, and are still doing duty in Turkey. All the marvellous stories about the capture and ransom of Prince Hassan, the general-in-chief, the taking of Massowah by the Abyssinians, etc., circulated in European journals, are pure fabrications.

“Before our army was withdrawn from Abyssinia, strong posts were established and garrisoned at Kayakhor and other points, so as to secure the frontier against further raids, and small reinforcements have been despatched for that purpose; but this is all that remains of the war with Abyssinia, the accounts of which, so far as we have seen them, have been generally so exaggerated and so false.”

From one of the American officers attached as surgeon to the expedition, Dr. T. Johnson, who was captured in the fight of the 7th March, and kept forty days a prisoner in the tent of the chief, or ras, next in rank to Johannes, and who had several interviews with the king himself, the present writer obtained many curious particulars, and graphic accounts of the manners and habits of prince and people.

Captured on the field of battle after receiving a slight lance-thrust in the leg, although a non-combatant from the nature of his functions, Dr. Johnson was tied to the bridle of his captor’s horse, and dragged along, being compelled to keep up with the pace of the animal, which fortunately was not rapid. Whenever he lagged, stumbled, or fell—as he did several times from weariness or the unevenness of the ground—he was incited to activity by the monitory pricking of a lance, until, half dead with fatigue, he was placed under guard in the camp, composed of tents, one of which, he afterwards learned, was occupied by King Johannes in person. He was given neither bed nor covering of any kind though the night was chill, but slept on the ground as best he might, with no pleasing anticipations of the morrow. Early next morning, looking out from his place of captivity, he saw small squads of the Abyssinian soldiers armed with guns and lances, driving before them like sheep numbers of the captive Egyptians, with their hands tied behind their backs.

Halting on the steep hillsides, they caused the poor bound wretches to run a little distance by pricking them with their spears, and then shot them down as they ran, as coolly as if they had been coveys of partridges, despatching those who were only wounded at close quarters with spear-thrusts. There was no semblance of a military execution, or of orders from superior officers, in this wholesale massacre of prisoners taken in the battle of the previous day. The poor wretches seemed to have been delivered up to the savage soldiery to be disposed of according to their will or pleasure, without any regard to the laws of war, or to the rules of civilized warfare as practised by modern belligerents. Not only slaughter, but brutal mutilation was inflicted on the unhappy prisoners, both before and after death, so that the survivors had often to envy the slain. Many of these unfortunates were sent back in mockery to the Egyptian army, with menaces of the like being done to the rest, did they not promptly evacuate the country.

Witnessing these proceedings, the captive resigned himself to what he regarded, sooner or later, as his certain fate also, and nerved himself to meet it like a man. He thought his hour had come when, roughly summoned by his captors by means of significant signs (for he could not understand their speech), and with several of his Egyptian companions in misfortune, he was dragged along to the hillside, where this tragedy was being enacted.

But interposition and relief came to him from a most unexpected quarter. An Abyssinian chief, apparently of high rank from the deference which was paid him, though differing from the rest but little either in costume or in appearance, suddenly interfered, and after a short and angry colloquy with the men who had him in custody, took the doctor by the arm, and led him away from the scene of slaughter, and from the fate of his comrades. This preserver proved to be a ras, second only in power and consideration to King Johannes himself among those wild chieftains, whose relations to their king, and to each other, strangely resemble those depicted by Homer as existing between Agamemnon, “anax andrôn,” and the Greek chieftains before Troy. Taken to his own tent by this ras the captive was treated less like a prisoner than a guest, and finally almost as a brother, although the want of a common language rendered communication between the two of a most restricted character in the way of conversation, until an interpreter was found. Then the ras plied his guest with questions, and exhibited an insatiable curiosity only surpassed by his ignorance of everything outside of his native wilds. Finding it impossible to make his captors comprehend the difference between an American and an Englishman, the western continent being a terra incognita to them, and also that they considered the English as friends and allies, the doctor accepted that nationality, for the nonce thus forced on him.

During the whole term of his captivity—more than a month—he shared the bed and board of his protector and preserver; the bed consisting of a mat on the ground, the food of the coarsest description, chiefly hard bread and vegetables, washed down with milk, or merissa, the brandy of the country. At occasional feasts meat was eaten, either raw or cooked, the Abyssinians appearing to prefer it in the natural state, and greedily devouring what literally was the “bleeding beef,” with greater gusto than a Frenchman accuses an Englishman of doing. His host, however, coolly appropriated, though with much courtesy, most of the small wardrobe and all the trinkets his guest had on his person, or which were sent him from the Egyptian camp; considering them as “presents” which were his due. Thus the ras observing that the doctor wore two shirts, one of linen, the other of flannel, gravely remarked that one shirt was all that was needful for one man; giving his guest the option of retaining whichever of the two he preferred, and accepting the other. In view of the absence of laundries in camp, and of the general disregard for ablution or water, by which they mark their contempt for the frequent washings of “the Turks,” as they term all Mohammedans, the doctor chose the flannel, and taking off his linen one, the ras forthwith endued his manly frame with the confiscated garment.

The same fate awaited the doctor’s watch and other trinkets, which were gravely, and almost affectionately, appropriated by this courteous host, who in return presented his guest with several curious articles of Abyssinian workmanship, such as cups made of the rhinoceros’ horn, hippopotamus-hide whips, and other articles of rude native workmanship.

In all their conversations, through an interpreter as already stated, the ras displayed a most childlike ignorance of the manners and customs of civilized men. He was kind enough to send out his prisoner every day, under escort, to take exercise; and contrasting his kindness, and even gentleness, with the terrible barbarities he had witnessed, and the general brutality of the people, Dr. Johnson could only wonder at his own exceptional good fortune, which he attributes to the fact of his being a white man and a Christian. This view was confirmed by an interview which he had a few days after his capture with the terrible Johannes himself. On returning one day from his walk, the prisoner was astonished by being accosted in good English by one of the men squatting at the tent-door, who differed from his companions in appearance or dress in no respect, but who proved to be one of the king’s interpreters, sent specially to see him. Informed by this person that he had been sent to question him as to the numbers, strength, and disposition of the Egyptian forces; the doctor, of course, gave as little information as possible, pleading his position as a hakim (or doctor) as an excuse for his alleged ignorance of all the military matters on which he was questioned. The interpreter, evidently dissatisfied, intimated as much, significantly adding that probably the prisoner would remember more when brought into the presence of the king and questioned by him on these matters.

The next day the interpreter returned, announcing that he had been sent to bring the prisoner before the king, an invitation there was no refusing, so the doctor rose up and accompanied him. They proceeded to the tent of King John, not far distant, which differed but little from that of the ras, except in being larger, and in having a tent for women adjoining it; and there they found the “king of kings,” as he loves to style himself. King Johannes had evidently made his preparations to impress the stranger at this audience. He was carefully posé upon his mat at the extreme end of the tent on a kind of raised platform, his left arm thrown carelessly over the neck of a tamed lioness, whose two cubs gambolled like kittens about the tent. Several of his chieftains or ras, were grouped around him. The king himself seemed a man in the prime of life and vigor, his expression of countenance sullen, almost apathetic; he kept his eyes cast down, seldom looking straight at his interlocutor, but giving sudden, swift, sidelong glances, full of penetration and suspicion.

His complexion was not black, but coffee-colored, many shades lighter than that of the negro. His features, like those of all the Abyssinians, were high and aquiline, with nothing of what is commonly regarded as the African type in Europe, clear cut, with thin, compressed lips.

His speech was measured and slow, and almost hesitating, as though neither his words nor his ideas flowed rapidly. There was much native dignity in his manner, which was more reserved than that habitual to the Abyssinians, though he is of pure blood, of a distinguished but not royal family, having succeeded Theodoros, through English assistance, after the defeat and death of that king of Abyssinia.

He wore the dress common to Abyssinian chieftains, consisting of a long cotton cloth with a red band running through the centre, worn much in the style of the old Roman toga, with no covering for the head or feet (though on great occasions he wears the triple crown of Ethiopia in a gold circlet); shoes, stockings, and even fez caps being unknown luxuries in Abyssinia. The king’s wives, like the other women, wore the scanty cotton cloths, similar to those of the men, scarce sufficient to cover their nakedness, all coquetry of dress or ornament being conspicuously absent. Like the North American Indian squaws, whom they closely resemble, they are treated as drudges and beasts of burden, and accompany the camp in that capacity. Although some of the young girls are pretty, with graceful figures, yet the maturer women generally have but small pretensions to good looks, owing to the hard lives they lead, and the hard work they do, carrying, on a march, not only their young children on their backs, but their cooking utensils also. The chief, indeed the only, coquetry in costume practised both by men and women in this primitive region, consists in the elaborate hair-dressing to which they submit themselves. Both sexes spend days in dressing their hair-worn long by men as well as women-copiously anointing it with butter, and plaiting it when well greased into heavy folds on the top of the head.

When once these solid structures have been reared with pain and labor, they leave them in that state for several weeks. Into these tresses a pin of wood or metal six inches long is thrust, to loosen the folds if necessary, as well as to scratch the scalp beneath. You can see their head-dress from a distance, glittering with its greasy covering; and as the butter is far from fresh, “distance lends enchantment to the view,” in this as in many other cases.

When the application is first made, it is curious to observe how, as the fierce rays of the African sun begin to melt the butter on the crown of the head, the chieftain throws off his cotton toga, and allows the rivulets of grease to trickle down his shiny black back, and afford by its covering a protection against insects and the sun. The reference in the Old Testament to the oil running down the beard of Aaron is strongly suggestive of the origin of this curious custom, adopted possibly as much for protection against heat and insects as for the purpose of adornment.

There were many women, in addition to the men, crowded into, as well as outside of, the king’s tent; the captive “Ingleeze” being a subject of much curiosity, so that his interview with the king could scarcely be considered as private and confidential.

At this and subsequent interviews with King Johannes, during which the conversation was carried on through a native interpreter, the doctor was closely interrogated, not only as to Egyptian movements, but concerning his own personal connection with the Egyptians. The first query addressed to him by the king was, how it happened that he, an “Ingleeze,” and friend to the Abyssinians, as well as co-religionist, should have come to fight against them for “the Turks” ? To which the reply was that he did not come to fight at all, but to act as hakim in attending to the wounded on both sides, to improve in his profession. Finally, the king proposed taking him into his own service, offering to double the pay he was receiving from the khedive, and to make him governor of a province. But these brilliant offers the captive declined, on the plea of an imaginary wife and children at home in Europe who needed his care.

Finally, the king asked if he would undertake, if liberated, to convey a letter from the “king of kings” to his sister, Queen Victoria, without letting the khedive know anything about it—obstinately insisting on his being an “Ingleeze,” America being an unknown geographical expression to this enlightened “Christian prince” ! On the doctor’s faithfully promising to fulfill this duty, Johannes consented to write the letter, and send him through safely to Massowah, whence he might proceed to England. Days and weeks elapsed, during which the interpreter constantly informed the prisoner that the king’s counsellors, the priests, were vainly endeavoring to get his consent and signature to the letter they had prepared, complaining and appealing to Queen Victoria of the proceedings of the khedive; but that they could not conquer his constitutional indolence, only shaken off under the strong excitement of war or the chase. So that when the exchange of prisoners took place in which the doctor was included, no letter was ready, and he was allowed to leave without it—which was probably a saving of labor, since it is more than doubtful whether it would ever have reached its destination under the circumstances. Dr. Johnson represents the manners, habits, and customs of the Abyssinians in their daily lives as filthy, squalid, and barbarous in the extreme, their immorality being as conspicuous as their fanaticism. His health suffered severely from the privations and bad diet to which he was subjected, though the guest of a chief, and faring equally well with his entertainer. Captain Deerholtz, a Swiss officer, captured at the same time, fared even worse than the doctor; being brutally maltreated by his captors throughout, and his wounds shamefully neglected. So that Dr. Johnson was exceptionally fortunate.

Some idea of the natural features of the country has already been given, and some additional details may not prove uninteresting; for most of Abyssinia is still terra incognita to the rest of the world, so jealously have these wild warriors guarded their country, the episode of the English expedition being a very short and imperfect one.

The Blue Nile and Atbara both take their rise in the heart of Abyssinia, in a lake called Tsana. The country bordering this lake is tropical in its vegetation, yielding the orange, lemon, lime, and banana; and here, as well as far into the surrounding country, the products both of the temperate and tropic zones can be raised in abundance.

The lower valleys produce corn, teff (a small grain much prized by the natives), indigo, and dourah or maize. Barley, wheat, flax, etc., grow upon the most elevated plateaux. The vine, and most fruit and vegetables, can also be cultivated with little effort; though little attention is paid to their cultivation by this wandering and restless race, more nomadic than agricultural still in their tastes and habits. Like most of the Semitic barbarians, they prefer the production of that food which costs the least labor; hence they live chiefly on teff and dourah, grains easily cultivated, and on cattle, of which they have enormous herds, as well as sheep. Good cotton lands are to be found between the Blue Nile and Atbara rivers.

When Dr. Johnson, in his famous “Rasselas,” placed his “happy valley” in Abyssinia, whose wandering herdsmen still proudly style themselves princes, he drew largely on his imagination; for its valleys are and have been the reverse of happy under their past and present rulers. Yet the pride of these half-naked barbarians is surprising, for they claim descent from King Solomon and the queen of Sheba, and in the name of “Menelek” still arrogated by their king, reproduce that of the issue of that union, and boast that all other kings are but parvenus and pretenders compared to theirs.

Though the “king of kings”—as the Abyssinian potentate styles himself—squats on a mat for a throne, and possesses neither hat nor shoes, yet is his pride none the less absolute, and the traditions of this people confirm his pretensions. It is a curious fact, that all of the Abyssinians of more than average intelligence insist that they were Jews before they were Christians, and that “Menelek” introduced among them the laws of Moses—retained by them in part even to this day. These they observe in common with the Copts of Egypt, from whom they draw their spiritual head or high priest; and at the same time they claim, like the Copts, to have derived their Christianity from St. Mark, who, as is well-known, lived and died at Alexandria; insisting that the bones of that saint are still preserved in the old Coptic church there, though history records that they were stolen by the Venetians for the famous church bearing his name at Venice. You still see many old Jewish customs in daily practice among this primitive people, such as circumcision, the choice of meats, the veil of the temple, etc., and fancy yourself in the midst of the Jewish race while among them, from their striking resemblance in face and figure to that ancient people.

Their Christianity is more in form than in substance. As far as the outside observer can judge, it consists in long fasts and correspondingly long feasts—in fierce fanaticism rather than rational belief, whilst neglecting the chief canons of the Christian Church in their lives and practices; all the sacraments being practically disregarded by them, according to the published testimony of the bishops of their own Church, sent on a special mission to them by their patriarch at Jerusalem.

One article of faith they cling to with fanatical fervor—undying hatred to the Moslem people and faith, fostered by continual warfare, and kept alive by their priests, who accompany them to, and encourage them in battle. As far as can be ascertained, there are among them about ten thousand Mussulmans, about the same number of Catholics, and perhaps fifteen thousand Jews,—all of whom are apparently of the same color and race.

The Jews in Abyssinia are workers in gold and iron, as they are throughout the East, and by their skill and industry furnish the rest with their barbaric appliances of show and splendor,—such as rings and trinkets for men and women; crosses, etc., for the priesthood; the emblazonments of the shields of the warriors with gold and silver; as well as the rich trappings for their horses. Hence this class is indispensable both to the vanity and the needs of the class calling itself Christian. The estimate as to the respective numbers of the different classes of population must of course be conjectural, as neither the Abyssinian government nor people deal much in statistics, and much of the interior of the country has been unvisited by Europeans, or merely passed through under circumstances not admitting of accurate observation.

As to minerals, iron and copper are frequently met with, and Sir Samuel Baker speaks of gold found along the streams. He describes a fine and extensive country, with very fertile lands, lying on both sides of the Atbara River, and its tributary the Settite, much of which is claimed to be within the Egyptian boundary. These lands he regards as suitable to the cultivation of cotton, as they can easily be irrigated. But he warms into enthusiasm in describing the great herds of elephants wandering through these pastures whose ivory would be so rich a prize. Other large game, such as the lion, leopard, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, wild boar, giraffe, and other animals common to north Africa, roam over this paradise of hunters. Besides these you find such smaller game as the gazelle, elan, etc.; and the guinea-fowl, pheasant, pigeon, and a vast quantity of birds of variegated and rich plumage abound. Search the wide world over, you can find no finer field for the sportsman—both as regards large or small game—nor any where the products of the hunt may be made more profitable, from the ivory of the elephant to the plumage of the birds. But there is danger from man as well as from wild beasts in pursuing the chase within the realm of Abyssinia.

After passing through the rich cereal region of Abyssinia, you come to Lake Tsana, at the head-waters of the Blue Nile, where the coffee-plant, lemon, citron, orange, and banana, are found in tropical abundance.

Among the ruins of Axium, an ancient city near Adua the present capital of Abyssinia, are still to be seen some relics of a mighty but forgotten past, when Ethiopia was one of the great powers of the earth, and Solomon in all his glory “did not disdain to entertain her queen.”

Amid these ruins is one of what seems formerly to have been an obelisk, similar to those of Egypt, covered with hieroglyphics, recording the names and histories of unknown kings, and dedicated to “the Son of the God of War.” Another crumbling fragment commemorates in hieroglyphics King Makeka, coeval with the queen of Sheba; and yet another, the famous queen herself, from whom Abyssinian royalty traces its descent. Herodotus tells us that about two hundred and forty thousand Egyptian troops stationed at the Isle of Elephantis (Philæ) deserted to the king of Ethiopia, assigning as their reason “their non-payment and retention there for three years,” responding to the expostulations of Psammeticus in “language unfit for ears polite.” In his very clever book of adventure recently published, Colonel Long, the lieutenant of Gordon Pasha, thus sums up the situation of all central Africa: “A continual internecine war of tribes exists in central Africa. The stronger takes from the weaker cattle and slaves. That ‘ might makes right’ is essentially a savage instinct.”

That this really is the unwritten law of Abyssinia, and of the rest of that “arida nutrix leonum” (as Horace denominated Africa) outside of civilized Egypt, the concurrent testimony of all disinterested witnesses goes to prove, although those whose zeal is greater than their knowledge may deny it. In the great interests of civilization and humanity it would indeed be well if some more enlightened and less barbarous ruler (whether Christian or Mohammedan) than the savage warrior who now rules with a rod of iron, should be called to govern Abyssinia. So long as this fair and fertile country is subjected to the sway of savage chieftains, neither civilization, progress, nor true Christianity, can be hoped for. The true emblem of Johannes, and of his cruel compeers, is indeed, as he boasts, that untamable beast of prey, the lion; and the triumphs of peace are, and must continue to be, alien to the character of both prince and people.

While, therefore, Egypt really has no need of Abyssinia, the latter has great and pressing need of Egypt, or some other civilizing agency, if the ancient realm of Ethiopia is ever again to emerge from “the double darkness of Night, and Night’s daughter Ignorance.”

Since the preceding article was written, an ambassador from King Johannes has arrived at Cairo, and, after two months’ stay, returned without effecting any positive understanding between the two potentates. This ambassador is said to have died at Massowah, on his way back home. The most recent attempt made towards a positive understanding, has been the mission of Gordon Pasha to the Abyssinian ruler in the month of March last, the result of which is not yet known.

Gordon Pasha, on his way down to his new province, which embraces all equatorial Africa from the First Cataract, was empowered to treat with Johannes en route, and to make a treaty with him on behalf of the khedive; and, by the latest advices, he was still at Massowah engaged in that business.